survival

 

 

 

Fighting for Survival

 

 

 

The Calvinists :

The partly mythologized history of the Boers grew into a theological/nationalistic consciousness in the second half of the 19th century.

The Voortrekker departure had been opposed by the Dutch Reformed Church (Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk)(NHK); and thus it was coincidental with the formation of a new Dutch Reformed (Gereformeerde) Church (NGK).

 

The Dutch Reformed church,  which has superb yellow-wood pillars, an interesting dome and a carved "stinkwood" pulpit, is a landmark in George, a town at the Cape.

 

In the Netherlands the Dutch Church had been transformed by the Enlightenment; and a movement grew in reaction what was seen as the dismantlement of "Biblical" faith. It was called the Doleantie (grieving).

The writings of Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer, and the leader of the Doleantie, Abraham Kuyper, began to become known to the Afrikaners in the NGK.

Highly critical of the Enlightenment, the "revolution" as they called it, the Doleantie in the church had counterparts in education and in politics.

In South Africa, the timing of this influence was significant, coming on the crest of a wave of evangelical revival (Reveil) in the Dutch Reformed Church which had been led in South Africa by the Scottish preacher, Andrew Murray.

The slogan of the Doleantie, which rang with unintended nationalist nuance for the Afrikaners was:

"Separation is Strength".

 

 

The Doppers :

The new Boer states which arose after the Great Trek in 1835-1842 needed a comprehensive philosophy upon which to organize a genuinely Afrikaner society.

The first president of the new South African Republic, Voortrekker 'Uncle' Paul Kruger, adopted the Doleantie in its political form, and formulated the Afrikaner cultural mandate based on the neo-Calvinism of the Doleantie called the Doppers (lamp snuffers).

The Doppers waged an intellectual war against "outlander culture" (the Uitlanders) which was flooding into South Africa through the mass settlements of "foreign squatters" in the 1860s and 1880s lured by gold and diamonds, accompanied by British armies.

To the Afrikaner mind, the British represented imperialism, viciousness, outlander oppression, covetousness, envy, and unbelief.

Paul Kruger's idealized version of Afrikaner history, which had begun during the annexation of the Transvaal and Natal by the British in 1877 and culminated in the Anglo-Transvaal war in 1880, and alienation by the hostilities of all other peoples forged the Afrikaners into a united force.

The Afrikaners were utterly crushed by the British, at great expense of life for both themselves and the natives.

Thus the Doppers won the "war for the hearts" of the Afrikaners, and left them absolutely committed to preserve themselves, their culture, their language, and their way of life called Afrikanerdom (dubbed as laager mentality) against the British melting pot.

 

 

 

The Afrikaner Bond :

After the Battle of Majuba Hill in 1881 when the British had suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of the Boers, one of the outstanding features of Cape Colonial politics was active participation by Afrikaners, who for decades had been passive spectators of the political scene.

The Afrikaner Bond was founded by Jan Hendrik Hofmeyer (1845-1909) together with S.J. du Toit, and Hofmeyer was its leader from 1883 onwards.

The Afrikaner Bond was to play a decisive role in the Cape Parliament until the beginning of the 20th century.

This period of Afrikaner influence coincided with the uneventful development of the "Model Republic" of the Orange Free State under three successive presidents - Brand, Reitz, and Marthinus Theunis Steyn - and with the rule of the forceful Paul Kruger (1825-1904) as State President of the South African Republic from 1883 to 1902.

 

Congresses of the foundling Afrikaner Bond were held in Burgersdorp and in 1882, after 25 years of demanding that their language be recognised, they achieved this aim.

To commemorate their victory, a Taalmonument (language monument) was erected. Money was collected from around the country and the monument was unveiled in 1893.

The statue depicts a woman pointing her finger at a tablet held in her other hand. The main inscription reads, De Overwinning de Hollandsche Taal :

'The Triumph of the Dutch Language'

 

 

The Afrikaner Broederbond :

 

The scorched earth tactics of the British and the deaths of thousands of Afrikaner women and children in British concentration camps during the 2nd Boer War of 1899-1902, again left many of the Afrikaners utterly destitute and ruined. Farmers were seen in the hundreds, lining the highways selling produce by the basket.

 

After the British reorganized the Union of South Africa in 1910 and relinquished control to democratic elections, a small, anonymous group of young intellectuals called the Afrikaner Broederbond, resorted to the Dopper philosophy to develop a strategy for addressing the overwhelming social problem of poor whites, and to preserve their Afrikaner heritage and language. Afrikaner 'separatism' had begun, and the seeds of apartheid (separate development) were sown.

In June 1918 the disaffected Afrikaners were brought together in a new organisation called Jong Suid-Afrika (Young South Africa). The following year its name was changed to the Afrikaner Broederbond (AB), an Afrikaans term meaning

'league of Afrikaner brothers'. 

 

 

Afrikaner Broederbond:

De Eerste Uitvoerende Raad (1918) D. H. C. du Plessis (secretaris), J. Combrink, H. le R. Jooste, L. J. Erasmus, H. J. Klopper (voorzitter), Ds W. Nicol, J. E. Reeler (penningmeester).

The organisation had one main aim: to further Afrikaner nationalism in South Africa - to maintain Afrikaner culture, develop an Afrikaner economy, and to gain control of the South African government.

Seeing the English as the 'enemy', many Afrikaners sympathised with Germany during World War 1, but their activities were again crushed by the pro-British supporters under Jan C. Smuts.

During the 1930s the Afrikaner Broederbond became increasingly political, creating several public front organisations - especially the Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge (FAK - Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Societies) which acted as an umbrella organisation for Afrikaner cultural groups, and took over the original cultural remit of the AB.

The Afrikaner Broederbond, meanwhile, evolved into a highly influential 'secret' society. Its political influence became apparent in 1934 when JBM Hertzog merged the National Party (NP) with Jan Smuts' South African Party (SAP), to form the United Party (UP).

Radical members of the NP broke away from the 'fusion government' to form the Herenigde Nasionale Party (HNP - 'Reunited National Party') under the leadership of DF Malan.

The AB threw its full support behind the HNP, and its members dominated the new party - especially in the Afrikaner strongholds of Transvaal and Orange Free State.

 

The Ossewa Brandwag :

The most powerful movement for forging unity amongst the Afrikaners at this period was, however, the Ossewa Brandwag, an Afrikaans term meaning 'oxwagon sentinels' or 'oxwagon guard'.

The Ossewa Brandwag was founded at Bloemfontein in October 1938 after the Voortrekker Centenary , to embody and perpetuate the idealism to which celebrations had given rise.

The foundation members all came from Bloemfontein and its surrounding districts, and the first Chairman of the organization's Groot Raad (Grand Council) was the Rev. C. R. Kotze, a Bloemfontein predikant.

Though ostensibly a 'cultural' body, the Ossewa Brandwag was organized on a commando basis, and its first units were recruited from the ranks of the South African armed forces.

The first Kommandant-Generaal was Colonel J. C. Laas, an officer in the Permanent Force, and from its very inception the O.B. had a quasi-military character.

Laas was a cloak-and-dagger character who surrounded his activities with an atmosphere of mystery and proved himself eventually as little able to satisfy his friends as his enemies.

In October 1940, following condemnation, he was relieved of his command in the Ossewa Brandwag and later replaced as Kommandant-Generaal by the former Administrator of the Orange Free State, J.F.J. van Rensburg, who was to bring about a drastic transformation in the character of the whole force.

Closely related to both DF Malan's Herenigde Nasionale Party (HNP - 'Reunited National Party') and the Afrikaner Broederbond (AB), the OB rapidly evolved from a cultural organisation into a highly motivated, political voice. By 1941 its membership had risen to approximately 350,000.

 

 

During the early years of World War II the Ossewa Brandwag became more militaristic, creating an extreme right-wing paramilitary sub-group -

 

Stormjaers :

 

The Stormjaers were modelled on the Nazi Sturmabteilung, the 'Storm Division' or 'Brown Shirts'.

During World War II the Stormjaers carried out sabotage within South Africa as a protest against Jan Smuts' United Party government, which was supporting the British. OB members were rounded up and placed in detention camps - including the future prime ministers BJ Vorster, who was a Stormjaers 'general', and PW Botha.

By 1941 the Ossewa Brandwag was causing political damage to the HNP and DF Malan spoke out against it in public. In 1942 Malan forbid HNP officials from maintaining membership with the OB, and in 1944 he banned membership of the OB for any HNP member.

With the defeat of Germany in 1945 the Ossewa Brandwag went underground, whilst its past members rose steadily in prominence in the Apartheid era government.

 

 

 

The Nationalist Broederbond :

In November 1939, Dr Malan told the Nationalist Party Congress that:

 

'An Afrikaner is one who, whether speaking the same language or attending the same church as myself or not, cherished the same Nationalist ideas. That is why I willingly fight against General Smuts. I do not consider him an Afrikaner.'

 

An Afrikaner, in other words, was one who was prepared to accept the hegemony of the Nationalist Party.

Was Hertzog such an Afrikaner? There were powerful figures within the Nationalist leadership who wanted no truck with Hertzog. They had regarded him as a renegade ever since 1934, and they saw no reason to change their opinion now.

Hertzog was soon to feel a strong current of opposition to him flowing from the Swart-Strijdom faction in the Nationalist Party, who believed that the party should assert its claim to the leadership of all Afrikanerdom whether or not Hertzog saw fit to join it on its own terms.

On 23 November 1939, the Hertzogites and Malanites met in Pretoria to try and reach a basis of agreement, but they could not overcome their differences. The republican aim of the Nationalists constituted the main stumbling block.

Hertzog felt that Afrikaner-English unity was a prerequisite for the establishment of a republic. The Nationalists felt that there could be no unity until the republic had been established and the allegiance of the English to the 'mother country' constitutionally destroyed once and for all.

The clash of personalities also played its part. Neither Malan nor Hertzog would give away to the other.

A Broederbond-inspired reconciliation committee set to work and produced a new formula for unity.

Hertzog and Malan accepted it, but Strijdom with his following fought bitterly against it.

Nevertheless, on 27 January 1940, a declaration appeared in the Press over the names of Malan and Hertzog announcing that the parliamentary caucuses of the two groups had reached a basis of agreement and that it was proposed to establish a Herenigde Nasionale or Volksparty (Reunited Nationalist or People's Party).

The Hereniging Agreement was subsequently accepted by the provincial congresses of the two parties. Hertzog became official Leader of the Opposition and Malan Deputy-Leader.

During WW2, a fascist, social darwinist agenda in sympathy with Germany had arisen among some whites in South Africa, which became an unwelcome ally in the support of these policies.

This terrifying, octopus-like grip on the South African way of life was made possible by reorganising the Broederbond on the pattern of Hitler's highly successful Reich state, complete with fuehrer, gauleiters, group and cell leaders, spread in a sinister network over the whole of South Africa.

This was initially planned by a high-ranking Nationalist and two Stellenbosch students who were sent to Germany, at Nazi expense, to study the Nazi cell system. The man who planned this in consultation with the then Nationalist leader Dr Malan was Graf von Durckheim Montmartin.

The main difference being that where Hitler re-invoked the rites of the German pagan Gods to promote his ideologies, the Nationalists' Broederbond compounded his sentiments of the Aryan-race and white supremacy the further lead to the widening gap of Apartheid.

The Nationalist Broederbond declared that their plan of complete domination of white South Africa, and absolute subjugation of the non-whites, was an implementation of South Africa's 'God-given destiny'.

This was a clever ruse, for by its means the powerful Dutch Reformed Churches could be roped in.

The original Afrikaner Broederbond tried to distance itself from this movement, with very limited success.

Because of the secrecy of the organization, they later confessed complete misunderstanding of the real ambitions of non-Afrikaners and blindness to the agony of 'Coloureds' and 'Blacks' under apartheid, and the extreme unpopularity of the apartheid policies in the eyes of non-Afrikaners.

Besides, the racial rhetoric of the white supremicists was practically indistinguishable to an unsophisticated Afrikaner ear from the religiously motivated apartheid policies.

International pressures mounted, increasingly isolating the Afrikaners and identifying their policies with the worst kind of godless oppression; but this was a long time in producing a "crisis of conscience".

After the Sharpville massacre in 1960, the Afrikaner Broederbond began a slow and quiet re-examination of their policy proposals. And yet no significant changes took place to reform the apartheid system until the Soweto riots in 1976.

 

Steve Biko

Some time after this, the Afrikaner Broederbond declared apartheid an irreformable failure and began work to dismantle it.

The conviction had finally become established, although not universally that, if the Afrikaner people, language and religion were to survive, they must take the initiative to emerge from the laager, and invite South Africa in.

Dropping the policy of secrecy and with the new name Afrikanerbond, they began proposing initiatives for land reform and the reversal of apartheid, with Tobie Meyer, the Afrikanerbond's land reform convener, serving in Nelson Mandela's post-1994 transitional government as deputy agriculture minister.

 

 

 

The Reunited National Party :

The seeds of Apartheid or "Separate Development" had been sown as early as 1910.

 

 

Apartheid however, officially became law after the Reunited National Party won the white minority elections on the 28th May 1948. This victory was hailed as a "Miracle" and clear proof that God was watching over his "Volk".    The all white Dutch reformed church embraced the Reunited National Party Apartheid policy and  solemnly declared in a speech made by a prominent church leader:

"South Africa belongs to us once more. For the first time since Union, South Africa is our own. May god grant that it will always remain so."

Voting and participating political parties were only contested by the so called "white" citizens of South Africa, black South Africans were forbidden.   A quote from Albert Luthuli best sums up the sentiment of black South Africans:

"The Nationalist win did not surprise or interest us, though we realized that there would probably be an intensification of the hardships and indignities which had always come our way. Nevertheless I think it is true that very few if any of us, understood how swift the deterioration was to be".

Luthuli later became the president of the ANC.   The Reuninted National Party Apartheid rule was swiftly placed in action.

Daniel Malan swiftly had the new government and Afrikaans speaking parliament in place, the new  government portrayed a Western style democracy to the rest of the world.

Forty-three days later, it produced its first major shock, when it demoted the country's most celebrated soldier - Deputy Chief of Staff, Major - General Poole.   

Defense Minister Frans Erasmus ordered Intelligence chief Charles Powell, to vacate his post with-in 24 hours, and ordered his aides to seize what were described as "two lorry loads" of wartime files from WW2.

 

These files contained Broederbond secrets, of the time during world war 2 when Afrikaner activists planted bombs, caused destruction and brutally assaulted soldiers to demonstrate their solidarity with the Nazi regime.   Major - General Powell had been a key member of a top army spy team that exposed the secret  activities of the Broederbond and other dissident Afrikaner groups during World War 2.

The men that Powell spied on were now taking revenge. They also had to destroy the evidence, dossiers of treason and terror activities committed by many of their supporters. The above measures signaled the beginning of a concerted effort to reduce white political opposition at all cost.   Few could imagine to what lengths the Nationalist government was prepared to go to perpetuate Afrikaner rule. Nobody was going to stop them.

They believed in a political system in which preferably 'Broederbonders' ran the government. (the very same people that supported the Nazi regime). They backed up words and belief with deeds. Afrikaner interest would take precedence over everything else.

 

 

The ANC :

In 1911, one-year after the formation of the British colony known as the Union of South Africa, Pixley ka Isaka Seme addressed the diminishing rights for blacks in the country, urging the people to form one national organisation, united against oppression. Tribal Chiefs and heads of religious groups gathered in Bloemfontein in January 1912 and the African National Congress (ANC) was formed.

 

08 January 1912 - Foundation of the ANC Formation of South African Native National Congress (SANNC ). The name of the organisation was changed in 1925 to South African African National Congress, which later came to be popularly known as the ANC

 

In 1913 The Land Act stripped blacks of their rights to own land and made it impossible for them to obtain land rights in anything other than areas demarcated by the government.

At the same time, blacks working in 'white' areas were required to pay taxes and carry passes, which were to identify and control the migrant labour system, and legislation restricted blacks to labouring and other menial work.

In 1919, the ANC in the Transvaal region (now Gauteng) initiated a campaign against the pass laws.

The success of Mahatma Gandi's non-violent protests in South Africa led to conflict within the ANC, however, as some members advocated this approach instead of the most confrontational strike action.

Appeals by ANC leaders to British leaders failed as London continually ignored their protests.

As the ANC maintained its passive approach, organisations such as the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union and a number of other subsequent socialist-oriented societies began to gain ground as they addressed the needs of blacks. JT Gumede, elected ANC President, urged alliances with these parties, advocating active opposition, but the conservative and elitist ANC leadership voted him out of office.

In 1948, when the Afrikaner-oriented National Party was voted in by the white-electorate, a new approach was necessitated by the ANC.

No longer could it afford to remain an elitist movement with a passive-opposition agenda and a new militancy and populism began to define the party.

The ANC Youth League was formed in 1944 and this organisation was the primary mover behind the 1949 Programme of Action and the subsequent Defiance Campaign of the 1950's.

 

Delegates to the Congress march with their demands, Kliptown, 26th June 1955.

 

The Defiance Campaign preached and participated in acts of non-compliance with the apartheid legislation. The Group Areas Act and the Bantu Educations being two examples of their campaigns.

Other organisations partnered the ANC in these acts of defiance namely, the SA Indian Congress, the SA Coloured People's Organisation, the Congress of Democrats (predominantly white), and the SA Congress of Trade Unions, all of whom passed the Freedom Charter in 1955.

Their campaigns forced the hand of the Nationalist apartheid government, who took to banning and arresting campaign leaders (white, black, Indian and coloured) and passing even stricter legislation.

Tensions grew as increased resistance was met with greater force and within the ANC, party members rejected the decision by leaders such as Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo and Govan Mbeki to partner with whites and Indians whom they felt were 'settlers'.

 

 

Consequently, a breakaway group, the Pan-African Congress (PAC) was formed.

The Anti Pass Campaign precipitated the notorious "Sharpeville massacre" of 1960, an event that received widescale media coverage for the police opening fire on an unarmed but riotous crowd, killing 69 people and wounding 186.

After this, the government banned a host of organisations, including the ANC and the PAC, and declared a state of emergency, forbidding public demonstrations and requiring large group gatherings to seek permission for events.

In 1961, feeling that they had no other option, the ANC launched the armed struggle against the government.

 

The Military Wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe carried out over 200 acts of sabotage within an eighteen month period, prompting the government to make the Death Sentence a competent verdict for sabotage.

The leaders of the movement were arrested in 1963 and prosecuted during the Rivonia Treason Trial, perhaps the most famous being Nelson Mandela, who was subsequently jailed until the early 1990's.

The ANC then adopted a different strategy, appealing for international support and operating in a more covert manner both within South Africa and its neighbouring countries, whilst still carrying out acts of sabotage. And the international community imposed sanctions against South Africa.

An increasing number of strikes and riots typified the 1970's and early 1980's. The Soweto Riots of 1976 (in which petrol bombs and other "missiles" were thrown) forced police to open fire on the rioters, and a number of schoolchildren who were amongst the rioters got shot. International outrage of police action and condemnation of the South African government came swiftly.

 

 

But although the National Party introduced reforms to apartheid, these were seen as token gestures and they did not appease the black majority.

When the ANC called for the people to make townships ungovernable, the government again declared a State of Emergency, detaining over 300,000 people without trial and violence became the definable characteristic of the time, with thousands losing their lives.

The turning point came in 1990 when President PW Botha was replaced as leader of the country by fellow-National Party member FW de Klerk.

 

 

 

The Government :

 

In 1910 the new Union Parliament under General Louis Botha created a Department of Native Affairs to take over the funtions of the existing 4 colonial departments.

 

And in 1913 it passed the Bantu Land Act, an important legal enactment of the Botha government, drafted largely by Hertzog as Minister of Native Affairs before he was excluded from the Botha Cabinet.

The significance of this Act, which JBM Hertzog elaborated on 23 years later in his legilation of 1936, lies in the introduction, for the first time, of the principle of territorial division between the Bantu and the Whites.

The Act defined and scheduled some 8.9 million ha of land in the four provinces which would permanently and inaliably be recognised as Bantu land.

It also stipulated that no white person or foreigner could buy land from the Bantu and vice-versa.

In this manner, while protecting both races, tribal territory was ensured against erosion by the economically stronger whites.

 

 

The concept of territorial segregation, as the basis of government policy in South Africa, was however not universally approved of. But the Act of 1913 was a sincere attempt to lay down equitable guide lines for the handling of a national problem that could well determine the very survival of the new State.

Superficially it was an effort to control the areas in which whites and blacks were to live. Fundamentally it was an effort to solve the problem of interaction between cultures, particularly of the advanced Europe, and primitive ones that had hardly been influenced by the European cultures with which they had been in touch for many years.

Time and patience was needed in which to establish a stable pattern of peaceful co-existence between white and black.

 

In 1919 Botha died and Jan C. Smuts replaced him. Within months the Smuts government ran into difficulties because of the inflationary effects of WW1.

The post war boom was over and the Union, together with the rest of the world, was hit by a collapse of prices which started in the United States in 1920 and lasted until 1923.

Gold mines closed down and unemployment became a major problem. The drift from rural areas had become an important factor by the early 1920s, adding an element of predominantly Afrikaner semi-skilled labour to industrial urban areas.

 

The Bulhoek massacre in May 1921, in which 163 Bantu were killed and many wounded by machine-gunfire when a mob of Bantu who belonged to a fanatical religious sect attacked the police.

The outcry raised by Smut's opponents created an image of Smuts as a cold-blooded, ruthless man.

 

Bulhoek was followed by widespread violence in March 1922. Vandalism and bloodshed were rife when Smuts proclaimed martial law to put down a strike by white mine workers, which had been sparked off by disputes over the ratio between white and Bantu labour, and supported by strong Marxist influences.

The "Red Revolt" rose to a crescendo of condemnation when Smuts used military aeroplanes to drop bombs on to the rebellious Bondelswart Hottentot tribe in South West Africa, killing more than 100 people.

 

In 1924 General JBM Hertzog, founder of the National Party, became Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa. His Government introduced the Industrial Concilation Act of 1924 and the Wage Act of 1925.

In this way it stimulated the industrial development of the country and created opportunities for employment at a time when the drift from rural to industrial areas was exacerbating the "poor white" problem.

 

 

Roger Ballen (USA/South Africa) began photographing poor white people living in small, isolated rural towns - known as 'Dorps' - in South Africa almost twenty years ago. Many commentators have treated Ballen's work as a commentary on the former Apartheid regime in South Africa as if his intention is to give visibility to exactly those the white supremacist regime sought to hide.

 

But the strong South African Party Opposition still held a majority in the Senate, and Hertzog could not get his four Bills on Bantu franchise and the rights of Coloured people passed in the sessions of 1925-1927.

 

The question of unemployment came up again with the world trade recession in the 1930s following the Wall Street Collapse in 1929. But the "poor white problem" of the previous decade was eliminated by economic diversification and progressive industrialisation.

The two most significant enactments of 1936 were those in regard to Bantu franchise and land. The policy of political, economic and social segregation for the Bantu, which Hertzog had propounded in his manifesto of 1925, had been the basis for the Bills.

 

 

The first was the voting Act. Since 1853, the Bantu had enjoyed the franchise along with the Coloured and White population on a common electoral roll.

The Bantu Representation Act removed the Bantu of the Cape Province from the common votors' roll but gave them the right to elect 3 white members to the House of Assembly on a separate Cape Bantu roll.

Provision was also made for a Native Representative Council of Bantu members to act in an advisory capcity.

 

 

The second Act, the Bantu Trust and Land Act, gave effect to provisions in the Bantu Land Act of 1913 for the purchase of additional land, to be held in trust for the Bantu, as private tenureship of land was alien to tribal way of life, and to provide more living space for the growing Bantu population.

The Acts of 1935 clearly contained the basis of the future Homelands Policy for the Bantu.

 

During the following 16 years, the South African Native Trust bought 8,655,000 ha of land for the Bantu but only one-third of it was used, mainly because of the difficulty of inducing the Bantu to accept the principles of modern and scientific farming, and soil preservation.

 

Attracted by employment in white industry, the drift of the Bantu to the cities was becoming a very real social and residential problem for local authorities and for the government by the end of the 1930s.

 

During the following years, the world and South Africa pre-occupied themselves with the Second World War.

 

In 1946 the Indian Government took up the cause of the Indians in south Africa and used the new UN rostrum to oppose the south African proposal to incorporate South West Africa, and to place South Africa on trial before world opinion on account of their policies towards the non-white population.

 

While the government of South Africa initiated as much of its legilative programme related to the Bantu and Coloured people as circumstances permitted, it also had to deal with Communism, which had become a real threat to internal stability.

Acknowledged White and Non-White Communists had been active in Non-White movements  since the beginning of the century.

From 1949 onwards the Malan government unhesitatingly introduced legislation to implement the Policy of Separate Advancement of the different race groups in south Africa.

 

This was considered to be the only means by which cultural values in a multi-national country could be safeguarded and the only guarantee of racial peace because it provided an opportunity for development to the Non-White peoples.

 

The election of 1948 had been won mainly on the issue of "separateness" but it soon transpired that, however honestly the National Party tried to implement this policy, it had made a cardinal error in using the Afrikaans word apartheid to describe it.

 

The connotations of this word made it susceptible to distortion and it became a vehicle of opprobrium and criticism inside and especially outside South Africa.

 

By the Group Areas Act of 1949, residential segregation was introduced, and the institution of a population register in 1950 provided for race classification for the entire adult population.

All legislation bearing on questions of colour excited serious parliamentary opposition - for example, the prohibition of miscegenation (interbreeding of races) and mixed marriages, job reservation for whites in semi-skilled labour, and the provision of separate amenities in public places.

 

But it was in 1950, when the Government moved from the social and economic spheres to introduce legislation that affected the political rights of the Coloured people, that a consitutional storm was unleashed.

 

In 1950 the Suppression of Communism Act was passed, making the promotion of Communism an offence and excluding Communists from trade unions. But legal prohibition did not eliminate it as a threat to the country.

It was merely driven underground and emerged in movements that were launched by the African National Congress (ANC) to strike at the Non-White policy of the Malan government, and subsequent in efforts to cause riots.

 

The Separate Representation of Voters Act of 1951, which placed Coloured male voters in the Cape Province on a separate voters' roll, as had been done for the Bantu in 1936 by Hertzog's law, and provided for qualified Coloured voters in the Cape to be represented in Parliament by four white members, was declared invalid by the Court of Appeal.

 

In 1951 the Bantu Authorities Act provided for the establishing of a hierarchy of authority in the homelands of which the broad base would be up to 500 Bantu tribal authorities, which in turn would be grouped under regional authorities and subsequently, under a territorial authority, as a preliminary to self-government for the Bantu nation.

The man who determined the pattern of Bantu policy in the 1950s was Dr. HF Verwoerd, who became Minister of Native Affairs in 1950.

 

 

Verwoerd had studied the numerous Bantu peoples and found that they were spread over all four provinces. They belonged to 8 main national groups and lived in areas that in the course of the 19th century had assumed the shape of a gigantic horseshoe consisting of 264 blocks of land, totalling 9 million ha that stretched from the Kalahari to the Northern Transvaal, and the along the south-east coast, where a Cape Nguni group, the Xhosa of the Transkei, inhabited the largest contiguous territorial unit.

Apart from 72% of the Bantu who lived in their homeland areas in much the same way as their fore-fathers had done centuries before, closely bound to tribal tradition, law and authority, there were some 27% living in and around urban areas. These urban Bantu were not divorced from their tribal ties to the homelands although many of them were not migrant labourers or had been born outside their homelands.

 

It was the future of the numerically superior but largely underdeveloped component of the South African population that constituted the major challenge after 1948, to a government committed to a basic policy of social, economic and political separation along the lines which Hertzog had laid down.

 

Verwoerd's Bantu Education Act of 1953 took Bantu education out of the hands of churches and missionary societies, supervised by provincial authorities, in order to mould it more closely to the requirements of the Bantu, giving parents more authority in regard to the education of their children.

 

This was followed by the Resettlement of Natives Act of 1954, which enabled Dr. Verwoerd to eliminate the misery of Johannesburg's unsightly squatter camps, and to re-settle in due course half a million urban Bantu in model residential towns.

 

Professor FR Tomlinson produced a massive 17-volume report and socio-economic survey of the South African Bantu in their homelands, including all the land bought for them since 1936. This blue-print divided all Bantu land into 32 ecological districts and contained recommendations for the future development of the Bantu homelands.

 

In 1953 Communist-inspired activity was curbed by drastic measures for the sake of law and order: the Criminal Law Amendment Act, followed by the Public Safety Act, which provided for the proclamation of a state of emergency, and greater vigilance was required.

In 1956, the Russian consulate in Pretoria, which was known to be causing unrest among Non-Whites, was closed down, and the police arrested a large number of persons on charges of high treason in 1956.

However the trials which ended in 1961 after the accused had all been acquitted, revealed communist methods but did not curb communist activities.

An educated Bantu leader, Robert Sobukwe, founded the Pan African Congress (PAC) as a splinter group of the ANC which he and others thought to be too moderate.

 

 

Events in Africa in the late 1950s immediately affected South Africa. The sporadic riots of 1959, incited by the Communist-linked PAC, took the form during the early months of 1960 of a campaign of resistance to the enforced carrying by Bantu of reference books.

These books, known as Pass Books, were a means of identification and were introduced to enable the authorities to control the movement of Bantu inside and into urban areas, and also from countries beyond the Union's border. The reference books, in which employers record the duration of employment and wages paid to workers in various jobs, were also to protect Bantu workers against any form of exploitation or possibile victimisation.

 

Nevertheless, the Bantu were encouraged by the PAC to go to the nearest police station and invite arrest for failing to carry a reference book. Fearing for their lives, the policemen at the besieged station at Sharpeville near Vereeniging, fired into the crowd before a command was given, killing 69 and wounding more before the crowd dispersed. At Langa, near Cape Town lives were lost in a riot on the same day.

Although the world criticised the police action at Sharpeville, the march on the station had been but a small part of a larger scheme to invite mass arrest, to flood the prisons and to cripple industry by means of strikes.

The assassination attempt made on Dr. Verwoerd a few weeks later prompted the government to declare a state of emergency and ban both the ANC and the PAC.

 

As Premier, Dr. Verwoed continued to attach great importance to the realisation of Bantu self-government, stressing the constructive aspects of the policy of separate independence for the Non-White peoples.

 

 

Burning of the Pass Books

 

The Transkei, Nelson Mandela's homeland, was the first to qualify as a territorial authority and after the Promotion of Self-Government Act of 1959, it prepared for the next step towards complete internal self-government, which was to follow in 1963.

Others, such as the Xhosa of the Ciskei, Tswana, South Sotho, Northern Sotho, Venda, Tsonga-Shangaan and the Zulu were to follow this example during the following decade.

 

From 1960 onwards, it was the position of the Bantu in South Africa that gave rise to venomous attacks by the world at large.

They refused to acknowledge the independence of the Transkei, the Ciskei and Bophutatswana, much to the dismay of the peoples there.

 

The ANC continued to launch its attacks and attempts to overthrow the government.

 

During the 1960s, formal resolutions against South Africa and certain elements in various countries openly supported the activities of armed black terrorists employed by movements whose ultimte aim was to cross the borders of South africa.

 

South Africa responded to the concerted action of political enemies by concentrating on military preparedness.

The rate of civilian military training was increased, an appreciable share of the national budget was allocated to defence and the efficient local production of arms was organised to attain military self-sufficiency.

South Africa possessed the most powerful military force on the continent of Africa and was in a position to spend time on solving internal problems without having to fear military interference from outside.

 

But the most important aspect of South Africa's response to enmity was a positive approach based on logic, not on resentment. Dr. Verwoerd himself launched this counter-offensive to hatred by offering friendly co-operation to the Republic's neighbouring states of Lesotho, Botswana, and Swaziland, as well as Malawi.

South Africa repeatedly offered trade relations and scientific and tehcnical assistance to all African states, however hostile some of them had been in the past.

His successor, Mr. BJ Vorster, stated in July 1969:

 

"It is our task, and it must remain our task, to seek friends not only in the world outside but also in Africa, and to maintain the very best relations with all countries, provided that those relations do not bring about the destruction of all the things it took generations to attain."

 

 

The Rhodesian SAS :

The Special Air Service (SAS) was an elite military group in the mold of the U.S. units like the Green Berets, Army Rangers or Navy Seals. SAS troops might parachute near enemy lines, scuba dive in enemy harbors, blow up enemy stuff. According to the Americans - "It was the thrilling life of a G.I. Joe action figure."

 

Quote ...

 

1965 - 1979

Communist regimes across the globe united to contrive to make the African continent a huge pro-eastern bloc landmass. With the colonial powers trying their damndest to wash their hands of these colonies the Reds were only too happy to take the reigns of power.

With pro Marxist terror groups disguising themselves under the black nationalism banner like ZANU and ZAPU the Rhodesians were in no way going to just roll over at their bidding. ZANU was funded and supplied by OAU (Organisation of African Unity), which was a mish-mash of despot communist funded African states, who in turn was funded by Russia, Cuba and north Korea to just name a few.

After Ian smith stated Rhodesia's 'Unilateral Declaration of Independence', ZANU and ZAPU commenced their terror. April 1966 saw groups of terrorists infiltrate Rhodesia.

These attacks slowly increasing until all out bush war erupted in December 1972 with 'hit and run' murder squads destroying white owned farms. The Rhodesian forces fought bravely and whenever met full on; the enemy always came off much worse.

In 1974 the 1st battalion Rhodesian Light Infantry and the 'C' Rhodesian SAS Regiment were now fully prepared for a battle for their land. The Marxist enemy was hunted and destroyed whenever it tried to hit a target.

 

1974 saw Portuguese control of Mozambique collapsed to communist terror. This opened a second front for Rhodesia.

Rhodesia started the creation of specialist units that would covertly seek and destroy the guerrillas in their bases. These were the 'Selous Scouts' and for highly mobile bush warfare the 'Grey Scouts' reintroducing cavalry, aggressively follow the enemy into almost inaccessible areas faster than infantry.

 

In 1976 the Rhodesians took the war to the enemy with a precision lethal raid on a major base in Mozambique killing 1200 guerrillas and captured huge amounts of weapons. The next three years saw the Rhodesian air force; the SAS regiment and the Selous scouts strike at the very heart of the terror network. In one such raid named 'Green Leader' the Rhodesian air force took over the entire Zambian airspace and deliver a crippling blow to the Red forces there.

 

In September 1978 a civil aircraft was brought down by the guerrillas, eighteen civilians who survived the crash were then executed in cold blood after women had been gang raped their bodies mutilated.

 

September 1979 saw the most heroic make or break incursion into Mozambique.

Operation ERIC saw 400 SAS and specialist troops supported by helicopters, fighter aircraft and transport/supply aircraft of the Rhodesian air force, hunt and attack the massive terrorist training camps that held up to 20,000 guerrillas in Mozambique! The troops met fierce resistance but secured their objectives. 14 Rhodesians were killed and a helicopter was lost. The kill ratio was 1 Rhodesian to 25 enemies!

 

Staggering these successes were though, the cruel fact was that the Rhodesians would be unable to bring the war to a speedy end. Rhodesian losses in men and machines were increasing, whereas the supply of equipment and recruits to the guerrillas seemed endless.

Then the deathblow: South African politicians refused to continue aid to the Rhodesians. The Rhodesian armed forces were stabbed in the back.

 

A political agreement was reached in December 1979. Rhodesian troops were at the ready to take out Mugabe and ZANU. But though troops and tanks were at the ready in and around key strategic points in the capital, the apparent 'decisive' victory at the polls, the military reluctantly stepped down.

... End quote

 

Rhodesian Front 1964-1979 : Ian Smith

 

 

The Selous Scouts :

The Selous Scouts came about long after WW1 had dispensed with traditional battle-field and one-on-one methods of combat.

They were inspired by the field tactics undertaken during WW1 by the likes of Frederick Courtney Selous, Major P.J. Pretorius, and the German Commander Paul Emil von Lettow-Vorbeck, thence afterward called "bush-warfare", and were named after Frederick Courtney Selous himself.

White members of the Selous Scouts were encouraged to grow beards to make their faces darker and apparently, would disguise themselves in the same uniforms as used by the black rebels, according to one memoir. 

By contrast to conventional fighters, like the SAS the Selous Scouts operated like a wolf pack.

 

 

Using detailed maps of the areas that had been drawn up by the American CIA, a handful of fighters would drop into the back country, and living off the land for weeks without support, they would relentlessly track down their opponents.

Their training taught them to live off the barren land during their long pursuit on foot, drinking fetid water and eating carrion scraps.

Some articles claim that they were responsible for 2 out of every 3 enemy fatalities in the civil war.

Admirers and vets boast that the Selous Scouts were the most skilled and ruthless guerrilla warfare fighters in history -- and they are probably right.

 

RECCE :

The white regime collapsed after the first multiracial election was held in 1980 and the Scouts disbanded, with some headed to neighbouring South Africa.

Rhodesia already had been training their counterparts in the ruthless guerilla warfare skills of the SAS and Selous Scouts. The Rhodesia ex-pats were soon active in the South African Special Forces as members of newly-formed Reconnaissance Commando (RECCE) units.

 

Following international military trends, a requirement was identified for a Special Forces capability within the South African Army. Initial planning and formation occurred in 1968, including studies of and visits to foreign Special Forces, formulation of appropriate structures and techniques for an African context, and formation and training of a core group of founder members.

In 1980, a Reconnaissance Commando - consisting of former Selous Scouts - was established in Phalaborwa, and a Reconnaissance Commando - consisting of former SAS - was established in Durban . Attempted integration into the South African Military was largely unsuccessful. Both units were disbanded in 1981, and the limited number of remaining personnel from these were incorporated into the other Special Forces units.

 

 

The Afrikaner Weerstands Beweging :

Another faction was the shock troops of the AWB (Afrikaner Weerstands Beweging), a neo-Nazi movement in South Africa that first gained attention in 1979, as the country was nearing its final decade of apartheid.

 

The fledgling group attacked a university professor who dared to suggest it was time to drop a nationalist holiday celebrating a 19th century victory over the Zulu.

Snapping whips to terrorize the crowd and waving their Reich-styled flag, AWB thugs tarred and feathered the professor at a lecture.

The trial that followed placed AWB in the spotlight among Afrikaner nationalists, and more violence against moderates -- including more tar and feathers -- followed. The same professor who was tarred and feathered narrowly avoided death when a crossbow arrow was shot into his home a few months later.

There's no question that AWB was styled after Germany's Nazi Party. Among the goals of AWB was:

 

"...to reveal the attack on the spirit and body of the White race of the common enemy as carried out by the anti-Christ forces -- the spirit of which is centred in communism, Zionism and the liberal ideology... to be the maintenance and strengthening of the Christian White race ... and therefore the AWB demands that the traditional principle of division between White and non-White must be maintained."

 

More brawling and terror attacks followed in the 1980s, as did other prosecution of AWB members.

The next milestone for AWB came in 1986, when thousands of supporters crashed a stadium political rally for the moderate National Party and briefly took control of the stage after a bloody skirmish with police and security forces.

Similar attacks on mainstream political rallies followed, and the following year the far-right Conservative Party won big in national elections.

Rumours abounded that many of the newly-elected candidates were covert members or sympathizers of AWB, and the influence of AWB on the Conservative Party was a major topic of political discussion until apartheid collapsed in 1991.

The "charismatic" leader of this fascist movement was Eugene Terre'blanche (whose name roughly translates as "White Earth"), now in a South African prison.

In the wake of the riot at the political rally, AWB formed the Aquila Brigade in 1987 as an elite bodyguard corps for Terre'blanche.

 

 

 

Project Coast :

Quote from a website:

In Southern Africa during the tumultuous 1970s and 1980s, as both the white separatist governments of Rhodesia and South Africa were nearing the end of dominance, Rhodesia was quickly losing a civil war, while South Africa faced dwindling international support. The whites were not going to relinquish power gladly.

Rhodesia was fighting guerilla forces with troops that included mercenaries, among them some U.S. Vietnam vets.

South Africa saw no scenes of combat, but some people in the United States think the nation had a secret bioweapon program.

 

Called "Project Coast" it is claimed by the Americans that South Africa was experimenting with ways to secretly poison or infect their foes.

Much of the history of those times is still unwritten, but America thinks that South Africa and Rhodesia might have been jointly responsible for the largest anthrax outbreak in history.

Between 1978-1980, some two hundred tribal members died and over ten thousand fell sick from anthrax. Was the outbreak caused by biowarfare?

 

 

There has never been a full investigation of the incident, but years later, a former Rhodesian military leader said that their country was being used as a "laboratory" by the South African intelligence services, even though South Africa had officially withdrawn military aid in 1976.

According to the United States, South Africa's "Project Coast" accelerated in the years after the collapse of white rule in Rhodesia-Zimbabwe.

Under the guise of developing "defensive" weapons, the United States claims that their "mad" scientists explored crowd control by spraying the psychedelic drug ecstasy, and asassination techniques such as using candy and cigarettes poisoned with anthrax, botullism, or plague.

Besides the commandos and germ warriors, the project leader travelled extensively to work with biowar colleagues in other countries, including the United States.

(More information is available from a commission report and a profile in TIME magazine.)

... End quote: 

 

__________________

 

Solamente una Vez :

(quote) "Anthrax was known to occur in the region." (unquote)

That much is true ... During European rule in the late 1960s/early 1970s, Swaziland and Mocambique (and probably also Zimbabwe, Zambia and South Africa) had an active policy and border controls to stop Anthrax from spreading, following an outbreak in Mocambique.

In the late 1970s/early 1980s similar controls were put in place by the Swaziland and South African governments when Cholera broke out in South Africa.

 

(quote) "Anthrax devasted the cattle herds that were a vital key to the local population's survival" (unquote)

That much is true ... the same way as Rinderpest and Tsetse Fly had done.

 

 

 



Early descriptions of anthrax date back to the plagues of Egypt as recorded in the Old Testament book of Exodus. The fifth plague, believed to have occurred about 1500 BC, probably was an anthrax epidemic that ravaged large numbers of cattle. The sixth plague most likely involved cutaneous anthrax in human beings.

In 25 BC, the scientist and poet Virgil described a condition he called the "murrain of Noricum," which resulted from wearing garments made of tainted wool. Centuries later, the pandemic of the 1600s, referred to as the Black Bane, indiscriminately affected human beings and animals and resulted in widespread devastation throughout Europe.

With the advent of industrialization during the 1800s, a new form of anthrax appeared. No longer simply a skin condition routinely known as the malignant pustule, anthrax began to strike industrial settings as a respiratory disease called woolsorter's or ragpicker's disease and now known as inhalational anthrax. The incidence was highest among people in occupations that involved contact with the hide, skin, hair, or bones of infected animals.

Anthrax is still considered endemic in developing areas of the world (eg, Asia, the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa) where animal husbandry is less hygenic; whereas in more affluent nations, anthrax infection has now become relatively rare.

Nonetheless, in the United States for example, spores from this rod-shaped bacterium still contaminate the soil of the "anthrax belt," which roughly parallels the route of the 18th century cattle drives. Soil in Texas, Oklahoma, Minnesota, the Dakotas, and even Nevada remains home to dormant anthrax spores.In spite of scientific advances, hundreds of animals still died of anthrax each year in the Great Plains, which attests to the virulence of this organism. The last case of the disease in America was reported in 1976.

Naturally occurring anthrax is a disease acquired following contact with anthrax-infected animals or anthrax-contaminated animal products. The disease most commonly occurs in herbivores, which are infected by ingesting spores from the soil. Large anthrax epizootics in herbivores have been reported; during a 1945 outbreak in Iran, 1 million sheep died. Animal vaccination programs have reduced drastically the animal mortality from the disease. However, anthrax spores continue to be documented in soil samples from throughout the world.

In humans, 3 types of anthrax infection occur: inhalational, cutaneous, and gastrointestinal.

Naturally occurring inhalational anthrax is now a rare cause of human disease. Historically, wool sorters at industrial mills were at highest risk. Only 18 cases were reported in the United States from 1900 to 1978, with the majority occurring in special-risk groups, including goat hair mill or goatskin workers and wool or tannery workers. Two of the 18 cases were laboratory associated.

Cutaneous anthrax is the most common naturally occurring form, with an estimated 2000 cases reported annually. Disease typically follows exposure to anthrax-infected animals. In the United States, 224 cases of cutaneous anthrax were reported between 1944 and 1994.

The largest reported epidemic occurred in Zimbabwe between 1979 and 1985, when more than 10,000 human cases of anthrax were reported, nearly all of them cutaneous. (Myenye KS, Siziya S, Peterson D. Factors associated with human anthrax outbreak in the Chikupo and Ngandu villages of Murewa district in Mashonaland East Province, Zimbabwe. Cent Afr J Med. 1996;42:312-315.)

Gastrointestinal anthrax is uncommonly reported. However, gastrointestinal outbreaks have been reported in Africa and Asia. Gastrointestinal anthrax follows ingestion of insufficiently cooked contaminated meat and includes 2 distinct syndromes, oral-pharyngeal and abdominal. In 1982, there were 24 cases of oral-pharyngeal anthrax in a rural northern Thailand outbreak following the consumption of contaminated buffalo meat. In 1987, there were 14 cases of gastrointestinal anthrax reported in northern Thailand with both oral-pharyngeal and abdominal disease occurring.



 

One thing that can be said about German, French, Italian, British, Portuguese, and Afrikaner rule - by the end of the 1990s all their countries in Africa had been ceeded back to the people from ethno-tribal-indigenous origin.

 

Whereas, still to this day the countries of Australia and America are under "white dictatorial colonial" rule who will probably never allow Aboriginal or native-American control of the Government. While the United States flaunts its imperialism.

Perhaps they should trace their origins and go back to where they came from.

 

 

And by their last statement, are the Americans admitting that the United States has a biowar programme?

__________________

 

 

It must be remembered that not every white person, nor Afrikaner, beat their servants into subservience and submission. Many white people actively campaigned against South African government policies and for the rights of the black people, notably the women's Black Sash movement.

 

Sentiment amongst black acquaintances held the view that "the Afrikaners smacked them in the face, but the British stabbed them in the back" meaning that you knew where you were with an Afrikaner but you didn't with a British government.

Eugene Terblanche, of the Afrikaner Weerstands Beweging (AWB), a primary activist for Afrikanerdom with Nazi overtones, was seen somewhat as a raving fanatic with outdated philosophies.

 

 

But for those of us in Swaziland, the activities of the ANC were deemed as acts of terrorism and not the right way of going about implementing change.

The ANC activists often fled to Swaziland and used the country as a springboard to launch its covert acts of sabotage, and for hiding arms and ammunition. The Swazi government had to clamp down on the ANC activists when the South African government began in the late 1970s to carry out acts of retaliation against those ANC activists who were hiding in Swaziland.

 

 

___________________

Information courtesy of:

Afrikaner Calvinism

Broederbond

 

Zimbabwe Haunts

Burgersdorp

Apartheid History

History of South Africa by W.J. de Kock

The Rise of the South African Reich
Apartheid History

__________________

Books

Books listed by the ANC

Books of Zimbabwe

Allegations Project Coast

Coast to Coast

Durch die Gesetzesvorgabe des LG`s Hamburg vom 12.06 1998, Betreiber von
Link`s zu anderen Web-Seiten ggf. haftbar zu machen, distanzieren wir uns
ausdrücklich von sämmtlichen, durch uns verlinkten Web-Seiten...! Wir haben
keinerlei Einfluss auf deren inhaltliche Gestaltung!

 

As the AWB logo and a link to their webpage is openly displayed on the ANC website, we have included their logo. However, as the logo, its colours, their old philosophies, their historic association with German Nazism, and because they are linked to the StormFront organisation we do not endorse them.

 

 

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